Critique internationale - Content
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Cet article est le premier d’une série qui se poursuivra à intervalles réguliers. Karoline Postel-Vinay et Yves Bougon y aborderont les débats qui renouvellent de manière spectaculaire, depuis quelques années, la vision des Japonais sur leur propre société.
James C. Scott, Seeing like a State - How Certain Schemes to Improve Human Condition Have Failed, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1998, 445 pages.
Malcolm (Noel), Kosovo. A Short History, New York University Press, 1998, XXXV-492 pages.
Vickers (Miranda), Between Serb and Albanian. A History of Kosovo, Londres, Hurst, 1998, XVII-328 pages.
Todorova (Maria), Imagining the Balkans, Oxford University Press, 1997, XI-257 pages.
Kumar (Radha), Divide and Fall ? Bosnia in the Annals of Partition, Londres, New York, Verso, 1997, XI-207 pages.
Loomba (Ania), Colonialism / Postcolonialism, Londres, Routledge, 1998, XVIII-289 pages.
Litvak (Meir), Shi’i Scholars of Nineteenth Century Iraq. The « Ulama » of Najaf and Karbala, Cambridge University Press, 1998, XIV-255 pages.
Frank (Andre GUNDER), ReORIENT : Global Economy in the Asian Age, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1998, XXIX-416 pages.
[What's in a name? Popular culture and identity in the Cape Town "coloured" community]
To name is to endow with social existence : the name contributes to defining a person's position in social networks and hierarchies, and in power relationships. The very act of naming is indeed an act of power which can be accepted, but also rejected or subverted through specific strategies. The study of naming processes and of responses to these processes therefore provides a better understanding of how collective identities are constructed and negotiated. The example of the 'coloured' community of the Cape Peninsula, in South Africa, shows how names ascribed to individuals or groups by 'outside' powers were used to transform the social position assigned to them during and after slavery, and in the period of apartheid. Official names were appropriated and used in order to improve living conditions whenever possible. However, an internal perception of the community was also expressed in the specific Afrikaans dialect spoken in the community and in manifestations of popular culture such as Minstrel Carnivals. Although framed within the imposed boundaries of the group, this internal perception was implicitly opposed to the official construction, but was hardly uttered in the open. Two conclusions can be drawn from this exploratory investigation into naming processes from a political point of view : i) when considering the question of identity constructions, the study of popular culture provides unique insights into implicit perceptions, and gives a broader picture of self-chosen identities, especially in situations of domination ; ii) names, whether of social groups or of political organizations, are a key element of political identifications, and the relationship between the names of social groups and of political organizations may play a crucial role in the capacity of the latter to mobilize members of the former.
[The European polis]
In the European Union the democratic deficit, if any, arises from the mechanisms of political accountability of the leaders : the key issue is not so much that of choosing those who will be entrusted with the management of public business as that of holding those managers to account and of changing them if necessary, according to certain game rules. We must understand the European experience less as a project than as a process which is based on an ongoing civic conversation involving the public. The " civil " character of the European political association must be stressed and a strong emphasis on the role of political leadership avoided. Empirical evidence based on survey data shows that "elective affinities " exist between those views and the sentiments of the European public. The time has come to " put the citizens first " rather than political engineering, media and party activism and electoral games.
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[Changing governance in Western states]
The recent transformation of public management on the basis of neo-liberal values generates new interactions between the public and the private sectors. Managerial doctrine has developed to cope with financial crisis and globalisation, but behind these management techniques, new power relations are developing : this, rather than a " weakening " of the state, is the result of "privatisation of the state " in Western countries. We can look at it as a search for a new type of governance. It involves heavy politicisation of government policies ; it does not affect elitist structures ; and it allows social problems to be transferred to local authorities : management has become an alternative mode of politics. Increasing reliance on expert consulting tends to question the legitimacy of government programmes. Privatisation of the state and European integration come together to bring about a form of " utilitarian sovereignty " hitherto unknown in political theory.
[State retreat or redeployment ?]
The ambiguous expression " privatisation of the state " denotes a phenomenon (the increasing delegation of regulatory or ruling functions to private intermediaries and the rise of networks and markets) together with an interpretation of the evolution of the state in the countries of the southern hemisphere : a process which is neither loss of control nor mere predation by the private sector, but a redeployment of the state as a result of national and international transformations. Privatisation must not be seen as the state being improperly captured by the elite, but as a type of government in its own right. It represents a new pattern of state formation in the countries of the southern hemisphere and not the decay of the sta
[The privatisation of diplomacy : a Caucasian experience]
The author recounts from the inside the (at least temporary) solution to the conflict between Southern Ossetia and Georgia as a result of private diplomacy. This experience shows the constraints of any institutional or bureaucratic action and the possibilities for " non-governmental " initiatives (especially regarding negotiation techniques). The author underlines the limits of the private nature of this diplomatic work since links are permanently maintained between public and private diplomacy, with appointed civil servants quickly taking over again.
[From war to peacekeeping : the new mercenary business]
So-called " low-intensity " conflicts are increasingly run by private security companies, to whom the international community passes off its desire for intervention. A new mercenary business is developing, notably in Africa, as a result of the end of the cold war and the financial opportunities offered by globalisation. These transnational mercenary companies continue to diversify their activities (security, intelligence, risk analysis, as well as operating mines or other resources, sometimes obtained as payment for their services). They are looking for new markets, which implies that the great powers recognise their international legitimacy. To this end, they offer a " complete service " not only for war, but also for peacekeeping. But one may wonder whether it is sensible to sub-contract peace to war professionals
