Critique internationale - Content
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Le premier article de cette série, dans laquelle Yves Bougon et Karoline Postel-Vinay abordent les débats qui renouvellent depuis quelques années la vision des Japonais sur leur propre société, a paru dans le n° 1 de Critique internationale (automne 1998).
Feigenbaum (Harvey), Henig (Jeffrey), Hamnett (Chris), Shrinking the State. The Political Underpinnings of Privatization, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999, 182 pages.
Kharkhordin (Oleg), The Collective and the Individual in Russia. A Study of Practices, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1999, XII-406 pages.
Tatla (Darshan Singh), The Sikh Diaspora. The Search for Statehood, Londres, UCL Press,1999, XIV-325 pages.
Gladney (Dru C.), ed., Making Majorities. Constituting the Nation in Japan, Korea, China, Malaysia, Fiji, Turkey, and the United States, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1998, XV-352 pages.
Comaroff (John L.), Comaroff (Jean), eds., Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa, Chicago et Londres, The University of Chicago Press,1999, 310 pages.
Dumett (Raymond E.), ed., Gentlemanly Capitalism and British Imperialism. The New Debate on Empire, Londres et New York, Longman, 1999, XIII-234 pages.
[State and the market in religious goods. The Egyptian and Tunisian paths]
The religious resurgence that occurred in Muslim and Arab countries in the 1970s is not the consequence of an alleged cultural inseparability between religion and politics. It is partly the result of institutional decisions: If demand for religious goods is high, the state policy of deregulating the religious market leads to a religious resurgence, which takes different shapes. After independence, Tunisian and Egyptian state élites heavily controlled the religious sphere. In Tunisia the regime dramatically reduced the space religion occupied, while in Egypt the religious institution kept its presence. Two decades later both countries partially deregulated the religious market. Because the religious institution had more power to start with in Egypt than in Tunisia, the religious resurgence grew more important in the former than in the latter
[Africa in the World: A Tale of Extraversion]
Sub-saharan Africa is stereotypically presented as being marginalized from the international system. However, the continent has been integrated into the latter for quite some time. African political actors have constructed strategies for extraversion that allow them to manage and even construct the dependent relations of their respective societies. Between Africa and Europe or the Americas, then, there is interaction and not simply domination and exploitation. The slave trade, colonization, access to independence, and the diplomatic positioning of the new states during the Cold War all correspond to this model. Today, the trompe-l’oeil processes of structural adjustment and democratic transition, as well as the extension of war reproduce these political and moral economies of extraversion. Doubtless, the latter suffers from a deficit in legitimacy, but this extends from the historicity of African societies and not from the non-correspondance between these societies and the state. Six modalities of action - coercion, ruse, flight, intermediation, appropriation, rejection - allow us to better understand how Africans are the subjects of their dependent situations.
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[Truth without reconciliation in South Africa]
South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission published its final report in five volumes in October 1998. While its work has attracted criticism from all parts of the political spectrum in South Africa, it has been internationally regarded as almost beyond reproach. The final report constitutes a major historical document, but the Commission in itself can be considered as a political process. Many of its hearings were public, many were televised; in many ways they were designed to create the maximum possible dramatic impact. How South Africans consider the Commission and its work is a product of their very different views about the history of their country. Whether it will contribute to national reconciliation depends largely on what the country’s politicians do next.
[Neither losers nor winners: peace in El Salvador]
The pacification of Salvador after a long civil war owes its success to the realism that guided the peace accord and its application: priority was given to the resolution of the concrete problem of the reconversion of soldiers on both sides (military personnel and guerillas) as a base of minimum stability which would be conducive to democratic normalization. However, this process did not avert dissatisfaction with justice: the peace agreement, founded on a compromise between the two adversaries in a situation of military stalemate, offered a very large amnesty. For lack of penal sanctions against criminals, a truth commission was constituted, but it only partially fulfilled its mission. The comparison with other Latin American cases underscores the importance of taking into account power relations in the hour of peace so as to obtain a degree of satisfaction with respect to justice and reconciliation.
[The adventures of de-communization]
The settling of scores with the past in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe has been marked by distinct fluctuations over the past ten years, which followed the ebb and flow of the hopes and difficulties of the transition and resulting changes of government. This management of the past, which was dictated by the principles of punishment, purge, restitutions, and restauration of collective memory, reveals tendencies that are common to the entire region and which provoke questions as to the reasons for moderate purging, rare punishments, and the absence of devices such as a "truth commission", utilized to resolve the end of Latin American dictatorships and apartheid. Yet this moderation does not indicate a foregone conclusion as to the future: hopes to establish the final bill for damages might grow with time.
[From Nuremberg to TPI: the birth of universal justice?]
In classical juridical doctrine, international and criminal law are mutually exclusive. The former is a form of law based on the coordination of sovereignties while the second is a fundamental attribute of each and every sovereignty. Not too long ago, the idea of international criminal law was simply unthinkable for lack of common criminal law, third parties for judgments and an imputable subject for condemnation. These three obstacles have been progressively lifted: with the definition of a new category of crimes - genocide and crimes against humanity - which transcends the distinction between international infractions and crimes reprimanded by domestic law; the identification of persons who are imputed with such crimes in the name of those who have been victims; and attempts to circumvent the state from the top (the creation of an international criminal tribunal) and from the bottom ("global jurisdiction", which depends upon the domestic independence of national justice).
