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Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2021, 656 p.

Over the past two decades, thanks to Narendra Modi, Hindu nationalism has been coupled with a form of national-populism that has ensured its success at the polls, first in Gujarat and then in India at large. Modi managed to seduce a substantial number of citizens by promising them development and polarizing the electorate along ethno-religious lines. Both facets of this national-populism found expression in a highly personalized political style as Modi related directly to the voters through all kinds of channels of communication in order to saturate the public space.

Traduction de l'ouvrage L'Inde de Modi : national-populisme et démocratie ethnique paru chez Fayard (Paris) en mars 2019.

Les Etudes du CERI, No. 258, Décembre 2021.

Si les confraternités nigérianes occupent une place croissante dans les médias au nom de la menace criminelle qu’elles représentent, elles n’ont fait l’objet d’aucun travail de recherche de terrain au Nigeria ni en Europe. Cette médiatisation alimente une confusion croissante entre les catégorisations juridico-policières qui sont utilisées pour les définir et les pratiques et discours panafricains, de solidarité ou d’émancipation, qu’elles mettent en avant. L’approche socio-historique développée dans cette étude permet de mettre en perspective l’expansion globale des confraternités depuis les années 2000, et de proposer un autre regard sur le rôle de ces sociétés secrètes et leur inscription dans des économies politiques et des territoires différents. En Europe, les confraternités sont d’abord des institutions sociales encadrant la jeunesse et les diasporas. Elles assurent la reproduction du pouvoir des élites tradition-nelles et politiques à l’étranger par la captation des rentes liées aux migrations (remittances), et jouent donc un rôle clé dans la production d’une forme de mondialisation de la société nigériane par le bas, participant à l’implantation des institutions morales et sociales du sud du pays en Europe. Derrière un discours d’empowerment et de solidarité, les confraternités sont ainsi un réseau transnational qui per-pétue un ordre conservateur, une hiérarchie sociale et des inégalités qu’elles contribuent à naturaliser.

Cham, Palgrave Macmillan (The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy), 2020, 236 p.
Traduit par Cynthia Schoch et Katharine Throssell

This book analyses the making of the international world of ‘natural’ disasters by its professionals. Through a long-term ethnographic study of this arena, the author unveils the various elements that are necessary for the construction of an international world: a collective narrative, a shared language, and standardized practices. The book analyses the two main framings that these professionals use to situate themselves with regards to a disaster: preparedness and resilience, arguing that the making of the world of ‘natural’ disasters reveals how heterogeneous, conflicting, and sometimes competing elements are put together.

Traduction de l'ouvrage Les coulisses du monde des catastrophes « naturelles » paru aux Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme (Le (bien) commun) en septembre 2018.

New York/Abingdon, Routledge (Contemporary Middle East Series), 2021, 244 p.

Focusing on authoritarian rule, unresolved economic challenges, and external dependency, the volume explains the salient political and economic features of contemporary Egypt against the backdrop of its history since the beginning of the 19th century. Presenting a comprehensive account of developments, it challenges common assumptions about secularists, Islamists, and revolutionaries, as well as 'modernization', 'economic reform', and political stability. Discussing domestic politics, economic change, and external relations since 1945, the author argues that Egypt continued to draw a degree of strength from sustained state-building activities, which its pre-colonial rulers could pursue in a favourable international environment and the partly related emergence of the country as a focal point of collective identity. More consolidated than many other states in the global south, Arab and non-Arab alike, independent Egypt, despite changing economic strategies, remained a (lower) middle-income country and despite repeated political contestation, most recently in the Arab Spring, continued to suffer from autocratic rule. Such continuity reflects not only the interplay between political forces at home, dominated by the military, and inconclusive economic policies but also the external constraints under which governments and other actors in the global south have to act. Based on numerous primary and secondary sources in various languages, including Arabic, and years of fieldwork, the book is a key resource for scholars of all levels, journalists, policymakers, and diplomats interested in comparative politics and the political economy of the Middle East and Egypt.